Ethic Federalism: Has it uplifted the
Amhara public or victimized it?

When ethnic federalism was introduced in Ethiopia in the early 1990s, it did not receive a warm
reception and continued to be one of the most debated topics among Ethiopian scholars until this day. Many saw federalism as a ploy to disintegrate the country although at the time, it was
presented as the only viable path to democratization and stability by the victorious leaders of the ethnic-based liberation movements. Hence, the contention on the appropriateness of federalism as a response to the challenges the country continues to dominate constitutional and political debates with various perspectives evolving through the years.

Today, it is hard to find a political formation that, at least, openly challenges or campaigns against the relevance of federalism. Rather, the forwarded views reflect on the state of Ethiopia’s federal arrangement and more specifically, its ethnic-basis in relation to escalating ethnic divisions, increased conflicts in intergovernmental relations, rising displacements and feeling of second-class citizenship by people living in certain territories they once consider home. This is particularly true for the Amhara people who, for decades, have been victims of oppression alongside most other groups under the EPRDF regime. They were often singled out for a government-orchestrated campaign of blame, shame, dehumanization, and consequent cycles of violence in the regions where they are a minority. The fact that Amharas live dispersed across the country has made them the most vulnerable target of hate crime and systematic marginalization, despite being economically disadvantaged just as the rest of the country. Thus legitimately raising the question whether ethnic federalism uplifted the Amhara public or victimized it?

A significant majority of Amhara youths and activists assert that while ethnic federalism may have benefited selected Amhara government officials who pledged their allegiance to the ruling party, it has by and large disadvantaged the Amhara community. While federalism has succeeded in enabling the exercise of self-rule by nations and nationalities, including the Amhara, it has nonetheless failed to entertain political dialogue and address past violation and reconciliation issues.

Prior to introduction of ethnic federalism under the constitution, group rights suffered from lack of legitimate recognition and protection. In fact, proponents argue that the life of Amharas is elevated by the federal system as it paved the emergence of Amhara nationalism while concurrently facilitating their detachment from affiliation with Pan-Ethiopian sentiments and universal values.

Markedly however, Amharas living outside of their ethnic base have suffered from forced
displacement, persecution, and property confiscations with many attributing the cause to the
Amhara blame narratives informally diffused for many years by political actors of the EPRDF. It
is argued that this is a result of the federal system which gives greater protection to group rights over individuals- empowering majorities to legitimize their actions over the minorities in their regions. Thirty years later, the economic elite once dominated by TPLF loyalists is replaced by supporters of the ruling Prosperity Party– who primarily belonged to the Oromo community. Following this, the current government attempt to impose Oromo dominance on the rest of Ethiopia’s population is facing significant challenges from various ethnic groups, particularly from the Amhara community.